NCJ Number
47616
Date Published
1977
Length
190 pages
Annotation
THE ANALYSIS IS PRESENTED WITH EMPHASIS ON BLACK COMMUNITY CONTROL IN ATLANTA, GEORGIA; NEWARK, NEW JERSEY; AND WASHINGTON, D.C.
Abstract
ACCORDING TO PREVIOUS STUDIES, POLICE DEPARTMENTS IN PREDOMINANTLY BLACK COMMUNITIES MAY TEND TO SEE THEIR ROLE AS PROTECTORS OF THE ESTABLISHED, AND HENCE WHITE, SOCIAL ORDER. IN THIS ROLE, AN ADVERSARIAL CONFLICT WITH THE OPPRESSED BLACK COMMUNITY MAY RESULT. AS BLACKS CHALLENGE THIS ESTABLISHED SOCIAL ORDER, THEY ARE CONFRONTED BY CONTROLLING COMMUNITY AGENTS OF THE SOCIAL ORDER OPERATING UNDER THE GUISE OF IMPARTIAL LAW ENFORCEMENT. EXTERNAL APPROACHES OF CONTROLLING LOCAL POLICE FORCES INCLUDE VIGILANTE MOVEMENTS, JUDICIAL REMEDIES, AND STATE AND FEDERAL LEGISLATIVE MEASURES. THE RESTRUCTURING OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE APPARATUS WHICH THE POLICE FORCE OPERATES, AS WELL AS ESTABLISHING DEPARTMENTAL CONTROL MEASURES. THE DEMOGRAPHIC AND POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS IN THE THREE CITIES STUDIED ARE PRESENTED. IN ATLANTA, AFTER THE ELECTION OF MAYOR MAYNARD JACKSON, THE ABILITY OF BLACKS TO INFLUENCE POLICE BEHAVIORS WAS GREATLY ENHANCED. ESTABLISHMENT OF HEGEMONY OVER POLICYMAKING POSITIONS WITHIN THE ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE GOVERNING THE POLICE AND THE REORGANIZATION OF THE CITY POLICE UNDER THE JACKSON/REGINALD EAVES REGIME HAVE HELPED PROVIDE SOLUTIONS TO POLICE MISCONDUCT AND INADEQUATE POLICE PRIORITIES. THE MAJOR PROBLEM FOR ATLANTA'S BLACKS SEEKING TO CONTROL LOCAL POLICE IS AN ADMINISTRATION WHICH IS THREATENED WITH BEING UNDERMINED BY THE WHITE PRESS AND WHITE COMMUNITY LEADERS. IN NEWARK, THE ASCENDANCY OF BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS HAS DONE LITTLE TO ENHANCE BLACK COMMUNITY CONTROL OF LOCAL POLICE. MAYOR GIBSON HAS YIELDED TO PRESSURE FROM WHITE ETHNICS AND HAS, DESPITE EVIDENCE OF WIDESPREAD POLICE MISCONDUCT, REFUSED TO CHALLENGE POLICE STRUCTURE AND TRADITIONAL POLICE PRACTICES. GIVEN GIBSON'S INCALCITRANCE AND THE IMPOTENCE OF AVAILABLE REMEDIES AGAINST POLICE MISCONDUCT AND MISDIRECTED POLICY, BLACKS HAVE BEEN FACED WITH THE TASK OF ORGANIZING THE COMMUNITY WITHOUT GOVERNMENTAL ASSISTANCE. IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, THE ADVENT OF HOME RULE AND THE ELECTION OF BLACK OFFICIALS DID NOT HAVE IMMEDIATE ENHANCING EFFECTS, LARGELY BECAUSE OF THE SUPREMACY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN VIRTUALLY ALL AREAS OF POLICY. WHILE COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS ARE ENCOURAGED AND A MEANS FOR BLACK INPUT IS AVAILABLE, LOCAL GOVERNMENT IS ALLOWED DISCRETION ONLY IF SUCH POLICIES DO NOT CONFLICT WITH FEDERAL POLICY. EXTENSIVE FOOTNOTES ARE PROVIDED; AND HYPOTHESES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH AND METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS ARE DISCUSSED. MODELS OF COMMUNITY CONTROL OF POLICE ARE EXAMINED. REFERENCES AND EXTENSIVE APPENDED MATERIALS ALSO APPEAR. (JAP)